Persuasion in Ancient Greece

Andrew Scholtz, Instructor

Course Readings. . .

Early Political Theory and Practice

Early Political and Judicial Structures, Documented and Imagined. . .

• Click here for the study-guide to this reading.

Homer

Translated by Samuel Butler, with changes.

Homer's Iliad concerns the quarrel between Agamemnon and Achilles, and the disastrous fallout of that quarrel, during the mythical Trojan War, in which the Greeks fight to recover the beautiful Helen from the city of Troy in Asia Minor (modern Turkey). The Odyssey concerns Odysseus' return to the island of Ithaca after the conclusion of the Trojan War.

We shall use Homer as evidence for politics and justice as practiced and conceived of in the early archaic period (ca. 700 BCE).

Iliad book 3 lines 191-224

• Note the description of Greek ambassadors addressing the assembled Trojans (the Trojan assembly?)
  • What seem to be the criteria by which a speaker's skills are judged?
  • What else as regards archaic eloquence or politics can you pull out of the passage?

Helen, Priam (Trojan king), and Antenor (Trojan elder and counselor) are standing atop the walls of Troy, from which they can view the Greek forces arrayed on the plains below. Priam is pointing out the Greek commanders, and Helen is identifying them. Antenor describes Odysseus.

[191-198] The old man next looked upon Odysseus; "Tell me," he said, "who is that other, shorter by a head than Agamemnon, but broader across the chest and shoulders? His armor is laid upon the ground, and he stalks in front of the ranks like some great woolly ram ordering his ewes."

[199-202] And Helen answered, "He is Odysseus, a man of great craft, son of Laertes. He was born in rugged Ithaca, and excels in all manner of stratagems and subtle cunning."

[203-224] On this Antenor said, "Madam, you have spoken truly. Odysseus once came here as envoy about yourself, and Menelaus with him. I received them in my own house, and therefore know both of them by sight and conversation. When they stood up in presence of the assembled Trojans, Menelaus was the broader shouldered, but when both were seated Odysseus had the more royal presence. After a time they delivered their message, and the speech of Menelaus ran trippingly on the tongue; he did not say much, for he was a man of few words, but he spoke very clearly and to the point, though he was the younger man of the two; Odysseus, on the other hand, when he rose to speak, was at first silent and kept his eyes fixed upon the ground. There was no play nor graceful movement of his scepter; he kept it straight and stiff like a man unpracticed in oratory - one might have taken him for a mere churl or simpleton. But when he raised his voice, and the words came driving from his deep chest like winter snow before the wind, then there was none to touch him, and no man thought further of what he looked like."

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Iliad book 18 lines 478-508 ("Shield of Achilles")

• The shield Hephaistos makes for Achilles contains a representation of the world as Homer and his audience seem to have understood it. We are interested in the the section pertaining to life in a city, especially, the description of a trial
  • How does justice seem to operate in this "Homeric" world
  • How does peitho fit in?

Patroclus, dear friend of the Greek hero Achilles, has just been killed in battle - Patroclus was wearing Achilles' armor, so that is gone now. Achilles needs a new set of armor, which Hephaistos, god of the forge, is here engaged in crafting.

Note how the images on the shield describe the world in miniature - including the world of public justice. Note too the element of competition at the trial, and the contrast with the war scene that follows.

[478-481] First he shaped the shield so great and strong, adorning it all over and binding it round with a gleaming circuit in three layers, and the shield-grip was made of silver. He made the shield in five thicknesses, and with many a wonder did his cunning hand enrich it.

[482-489] He wrought the earth, the heavens, and the sea; the moon also at her full and the untiring sun, with all the signs that glorify the face of heaven - the Pleads, the Hyads, huge Orion, and the Bear, which people also call the Wagon and which turns round ever in one place, facing Orion, and alone never dips into the stream of Ocean.

[490-496] He wrought also two cities, fair to see and busy with the hum of humanity. In the one were weddings and wedding-feasts, and they were going about the city with brides whom they were escorting by torch light from their chambers. Loud rose the cry of bridal song, and the youths danced to the music of flute and lyre, while the women stood each at her house door to see them.

[497-508] Meanwhile the people were gathered in assembly (agora), for there was a quarrel, and two men were wrangling about the blood-money for a man who had been killed, the one saying before the people that he had paid damages in full, and the other that he had not been paid. Each was trying to make his own case good, and the people took sides, each man backing the side that he had taken. But the heralds kept them back, and the elders sat on their seats of stone in a solemn circle, holding the staves which the heralds had put into their hands. Then they rose and each in his turn gave judgment, and there were two talents of gold laid down, to be given to him who should be deemed to have delivered the fairest judgment (dike).

The poet then goes on to describe the image of the second city, one beset by war and attendant calamities.

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Hesiod

Translated by Hugh G. Evelyn-White, with alterations.

• For what follows, try to figure out . . .
  • what is socially, politically, judicially a "good thing"
  • what is socially, politically, judicially "bad"

Works and Days

The poem is addressed to Perses, Hesiod's brother, who evidently has quarreled with Hesiod over their father's estate. The poem mostly concerns what tasks need to be done at what time of year. But it also deals with the foundations of political and social existence and like matters.

(25-41) Perses, lay up these things in your heart, and do not let that Strife who delights in mischief hold your heart back from work, while you peep and peer and listen to the wrangles of the courthouse. Anyone who has not stored a year's food early, even that which the earth bears, Demeter's grain, has little concern with quarrels and courts. When you have got plenty of food, you can then raise disputes and strive to get another's goods. But you shall have no second chance to deal so again: nay, let us settle our dispute here with true judgment which is of Zeus and is perfect. For we had already divided our inheritance, but you seized the greater share and carried it off, greatly swelling the glory of our bribe-swallowing lords who love to judge such a cause as this. Fools! They know not how much more the half is than the whole, nor what great advantage there is in mallow and asphodel.

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On society, rulership, justice

In the following passage, Hesiod starts by telling the myth of the "Ages of Humanity": golden age, silver age, bronze age, age of heroes, iron age - a decline from the idyllic conditions of earliest times into the evils of the poet's own present. Note that the "demigods" (i.e., "half gods") are the heroes of mythology: Heracles, Achilles, Agamemnon, etc. Note also that the Titan Kronos, Zeus' father, holds sway in heaven during the golden age while Zeus reigns during succeeding ages. After the part dealing with the ages of humanity, Hesiod then shifts seamlessly into a discussion of rulership and the health of states.

Look for points at which he describes what in later Greek will be called stasis, i.e., political discord. How can discord be avoided? How does Hesiod handle the theme of justice?

(106-108) Or if you will, I will sum you up another tale well and skillfully - and do you lay it up in your heart, - how the gods and mortals sprang from one source.

(109-120) First of all the deathless gods who dwell on Olympus made a golden race of mortals who lived in the time of Kronos when he was reigning in heaven. And they lived like gods without sorrow of heart, remote and free from toil and grief: miserable age rested not on them; but with legs and arms never failing they made merry with feasting beyond the reach of all evils. When they died, it was as though they were overcome with sleep, and they had all good things; for the fruitful earth unforced bore them fruit abundantly and without stint. They dwelt in ease and peace upon their lands with many good things, rich in flocks and loved by the blessed gods.

(121-139) But after earth had covered this generation - they are called pure spirits dwelling on the earth, and are kindly, delivering from harm, and guardians of mortals; for they roam everywhere over the earth, clothed in mist and keep watch on judgments and cruel deeds, givers of wealth; for this royal right also they received; - then they who dwell on Olympus made a second generation which was of silver and less noble by far. It was like the golden race neither in body nor in spirit. A child was brought up at its good mother's side a hundred years, an utter simpleton, playing childishly in its own home. But when they were full grown and were come to the full measure of their prime, they lived only a little time in sorrow because of their foolishness, for they could not keep from sinning and from wronging one another, nor would they serve the immortals, nor sacrifice on the holy altars of the blessed ones as it is right for men to do wherever they dwell. Then Zeus the son of Kronos was angry and put them away, because they would not give honor to the blessed gods who live on Olympus.

(140-155) But when earth had covered this generation also - people call them blessed spirits of the underworld, and, though they are of second order, yet honor attends them also - then Zeus the Father made a third generation of mortals, a race of bronze, and sprung from ash-trees; and it was in no way equal to the silver age, but was terrible and strong. They loved the lamentable works of Ares [god of war] and deeds of violence. They ate no bread, but were hard of heart like steel, fearful men. Great was their strength and unconquerable the arms which grew from their shoulders on their strong limbs. Their armor was of bronze, and their houses of bronze, and of bronze were their implements: there was no black iron. These were destroyed by their own hands and passed to the dank house of chill Hades (god of the underworld), and left no name. Terrible though they were, black Death seized them, and they left the bright light of the sun.

(156-169b) But when earth had covered this generation also, Zeus the son of Kronos made yet another, the fourth, upon the fruitful earth, which was nobler and more righteous, a godlike race of heroes who are called demigods, the race before our own, throughout the boundless earth. Grim war and dread battle destroyed a part of them, some in the land of Kadmos at seven-gated Thebes when they fought for the flocks of Oedipus, and some, when it had brought them in ships over the great sea gulf to Troy for rich-haired Helen's sake. There death's end enshrouded a part of them. But to the others father Zeus the son of Kronos gave a living and an abode apart from human beings, and made them dwell at the ends of earth. And they live untouched by sorrow in the Islands of the Blessed along the shore of deep swirling Ocean, happy heroes for whom the grain-giving earth bears honey-sweet fruit flourishing thrice a year, far from the deathless gods, and Kronos rules over them. For the father of human beings and gods (i.e., Zeus) released Kronos from his bonds. And these last equally have honor and glory.

(169c-169d) And again farseeing Zeus made yet another generation, the fifth, of human beings who are upon the bounteous earth.

(170-201) Thereafter, would that I were not among those of the fifth generation, but either had died before or been born afterwards. For now truly is a race of iron, and they never rest from labor and sorrow by day, and from perishing by night; and the gods shall lay sore trouble upon them. But, notwithstanding, even these shall have some good mingled with their evils. And Zeus will destroy this race of mortals also when they come to have gray hair on the temples at their birth. The father will not agree with his children, nor the children with their father, nor guest with his host, nor comrade with comrade. Nor will brother be dear to brother as before. They will dishonor their parents as they grow quickly old, and will carp at them, chiding them with bitter words, hardhearted they, not knowing the fear of the gods. They will not repay their aged parents the cost of their nurture, for might shall be their right. And one man will sack another's city. There will be no favor for the man who keeps his oath or for the just or for the good. But rather they will praise the evildoer and violent dealing. Strength will be right and reverence will cease to be; and the wicked will hurt the worthy person, speaking false words against that person, and will swear an oath upon them. Envy, foul-mouthed, delighting in evil, with scowling face, will go along with these wretches one and all. And then Aidos ["Shame"] and Nemesis ["Retribution"], with their sweet forms wrapped in white robes, will go from the wide-pathed earth and forsake humanity to join the company of the deathless gods. And bitter sorrows will be left for mortals, and there will be no help against evil.

(202-211) And now I will tell a fable for chieftains who themselves understand. Thus said the hawk to the nightingale with speckled neck, while he carried her high up among the clouds, gripped fast in his talons, and she, pierced by his crooked talons, cried pitifully. To her he spoke disdainfully: "Miserable thing, why do you cry out? One far stronger than you now holds you fast, and you must go wherever I take you, songstress as you are. And if I please I will make my meal of you, or let you go. One is a fool if one tries to withstand the stronger, for one does not get the mastery and suffers pain besides one's shame." So said the swiftly flying hawk, the long-winged bird.

(212-224) But you, Perses, listen to right and do not foster violence; for violence is bad for a poor man. Even the prosperous cannot easily bear its burden, but are weighed down under it when they have fallen into delusion. It is better to bypass violence, and take the other path towards what is just. For Justice (Dike) beats Outrage (Hubris) when she comes at length to the end of the race. But only after suffering does the fool learn this. For Oath quickly catches up with wrong judgments.

[Judges of disputes swore an oath to judge truly and honestly, or else suffer terrible consequences.]

There is a noise when Justice is being dragged in the way where those who devour bribes and give sentence with crooked judgments, take her. And she (Justice, Dike), wrapped in mist, follows to the city and haunts of the people, weeping, and bringing mischief to human beings, even to such as have driven her forth in that they did not deal justly with her.

(225-237) But they who give straight judgments to strangers and to the men of the land, and go not aside from what is just, their city flourishes, and the people prosper in it. Peace, the nurse of children, is abroad in their land, and all-seeing Zeus never decrees cruel war against them. Neither famine nor disaster ever haunt men who do true justice, but lightheartedly they tend the fields which are all their care. The earth bears them plenty of food, and on the mountains the oak bears acorns upon the top and bees in the midst. Their woolly sheep are laden with fleeces; their women bear children like their parents. They flourish continually with good things, and do not travel on ships, for the grain-giving earth bears them fruit.

(238-247) But for those who practice violence and cruel deeds, for them farseeing Zeus, the son of Kronos, ordains a punishment. Often even a whole city suffers for a bad man who sins and devises presumptuous deeds, and the son of Kronos lays great trouble upon the people, famine and plague together, so that the men perish away, and their women do not bear children, and their houses become few, through the contriving of Olympian Zeus. And again, at another time, the son of Kronos either destroys their wide army, or their walls, or else makes an end of their ships on the sea.

(248-264) You chieftains, mark well this punishment you also; for the deathless gods are near among humanity and mark all those who oppress their fellows with crooked judgments, and care not about the anger of the gods. For upon the bounteous earth Zeus has thrice ten thousand spirits, watchers of mortal men, and these keep watch on judgments and deeds of wrong as they roam, clothed in mist, all over the earth. And there is virgin Justice, the daughter of Zeus, who is honored and reverenced among the gods who dwell on Olympus, and whenever anyone hurts her with lying slander, she sits beside her father, Zeus the son of Kronos, and tells him of humanity's wicked heart, until the people pay for the mad folly of their chieftains who, evilly minded, pervert judgment and give sentence crookedly. Keep watch against this, you chieftains, and make straight your judgments, you who devour bribes. Dismiss crooked judgments altogether from your thoughts.

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Theogony: On a Ruler's Speech

This comes from Hesiod's Theogony, which recounts the earliest generations of gods and heroes. This is from the introduction, extended praise of the Muses, goddesses of poetry etc. - it turns out they also concern themselves with a ruler's speech. . . .

(Hesiod Theogony lines 75-103) These things, then, the Muses sang who dwell on Olympus, nine daughters begotten by great Zeus, Cleo and Euterpe, Thaleia, Melpomene and Terpsichore, and Erato and Polyhymnia and Urania and Calliope (3), who is the chiefest of them all, for she attends on worshipful princes: whomsoever of heaven-nourished princes the daughters of great Zeus honor, and behold him at his birth, they pour sweet dew upon his tongue, and from his lips flow gracious words. All the people look towards him while he settles causes with true judgments: and he, speaking surely, would soon make wise end even of a great quarrel; for therefore are there princes wise in heart, because when the people are being misguided in their assembly, they set right the matter again with ease, persuading them with gentle words. And when he passes through a gathering, they greet him as a god with gentle reverence, and he is conspicuous amongst the assembled: such is the holy gift of the Muses to men. For it is through the Muses and far-shooting Apollo that there are singers and harpers upon the earth; but princes are of Zeus, and happy is he whom the Muses love: sweet flows speech from his mouth. For though a man have sorrow and grief in his newly-troubled soul and live in dread because his heart is distressed, yet, when a singer, the servant of the Muses, chants the glorious deeds of men of old and the blessed gods who inhabit Olympus, at once he forgets his heaviness and remembers not his sorrows at all; but the gifts of the goddesses soon turn him away from these.

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From the Poetry of Theognis of Megara

The following describes stasis (or a stasis-like situation) in archaic Megara (near Athens) - perhaps around 640 BCE, about a century and a half or more before democracy at Athens. Note how the poet (whose sympathies are undoubtedly aristocratic) complains of ambition and greed as fueling stasis and tearing society apart.

In this passage, the poet addresses a young man named Kyrnos.

Kyrnos, this polis is pregnant, and I fear that it will give birth to a man who will be a straightener of our base hubris. The citizens here are still moderate, but the leaders have veered so much as to fall into debasement. Men of quality [men who are agathoi, "noble," "good"], Kyrnos, have never yet ruined any polis. But when the base [kakoi, "bad"] decide to behave with outrage [hubris], and when they ruin the demos and render judgments [dikai] in favor of the unjust for the sake of private gain, and for the sake of power, do not expect that polis to be peaceful for long. Even if the polis is now in a state of great serenity, when the base decide on these things, namely, private gains entailing public damage, that will spell trouble. For from that kind of trouble come discord [stasis in the plural], the murder of citizen by citizen, and tyrants [mounarkhoi, "sole-rulers," "monarchs"]. May this polis never embark on such a course!

(lines 39-53 trans. Nagy in Theognis of Megara, with changes)

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From Plato Protagoras: The Myth of the "Ascent of Humanity," Translated by Benjamin Jowett (with changes)

• The following, like Hesiod's myth of the "Ages of Humanity" (above), examines the fundamentals of society, politics, and justice, and does so through a myth of humanity's development
• But it comes from a later time, when Greek society and politics were much altered
• I therefore would like you to play compare-and-contrast -
  • How does Protagoras' myth of "the ascent of humanity" resemble the Hesiod reading?
  • How does it differ?
  • What social-politcal-judicial values come through? What fundamental assumptions do you detect?
    

Plato wrote in the 300s, but has set this dialogue in Athens in the later 400s. Socrates here recounts a conversation with Protagoras, a sophist (professional teacher) who claims to be able to teach virtue - in particular, political virtue - to students. Socrates doubts that such a thing can be taught; Protagoras rises to the challenge by recounting a myth purportedly illustrating how human beings are naturally receptive to instruction in political virtue, on which human survival depends.

Whether or not the following reflects the historical Protagoras' teachings (it may derive from the lost On the Original State of Things), it clearly is related to antecedents like the "Myth of the Ages" in Hesiod (see above), and arguably conveys a sense of what was "in the air" when fifth-century Greek intellectuals speculated about the origins of human culture and political life (compare Sophocles Antigone lines 332 ff.; the Democritus readings below).

[319a] "Do I understand you," I said, "and is your meaning that you teach the art of politics, and that you promise to make men good citizens?"

"That, Socrates, is exactly the profession which I make."

"Then," I said, "you do indeed possess a noble art, if there is no mistake about this. For I will freely confess to you, Protagoras, [319b] that I have a doubt whether this art is capable of being taught, and yet I know not how to disbelieve your assertion. . . . [320b] Now I, Protagoras, . . ., am inclined to think that virtue cannot be taught. But then again, when I listen to your words, I waver, and am disposed to think that there must be something in what you say, because I know that you have great experience, and learning, and invention. And I wish that you would, if possible, show me a little more clearly that virtue can be taught. [320c] Will you be so good?"

"That I will, Socrates, and gladly. But what would you like? Shall I, as an elder, speak to you as I would to younger men - that is, shall I tell it in the form of a myth (muthos), or shall I employ reasoned discourse (logos) to explain it?"

To this several of the company answered that he should choose for himself.

"Well, then," he said, "I think that the myth will be more interesting.*

• * Protagoras will use a myth (muthos) to explain the origins of human institutions. Which is to say, he will not explain it in plain and direct form (logos), but in a form that, on the surface, conveys little or no historical truth, but may well convey deeper, symbolic truths. But myths can also provide us with insight into "social reality" as well: how the world looks to a particular people or culture, the ideologies and assumptions under which people operate. Does Protagoras' myth do that?

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"Once upon a time there were gods only, and no mortal creatures. [320d] But when the time came that these last also should be created, the gods fashioned them out of earth and fire and various mixtures of both elements in the interior of the earth. And when the gods were about to bring mortal creatures into the light of day, they ordered Prometheus and Epimetheus to equip them, and to distribute to them severally their proper qualities. Epimetheus said to Prometheus: 'Let me distribute, and do you inspect.' [320e] This was agreed, and Epimetheus made the distribution. There were some to whom he gave strength without swiftness, while he equipped the weaker with swiftness. Some he armed, and others he left unarmed, devising for the latter some other means of preservation, making some small, whose nature was to fly in the air or burrow in the ground, and making others large, and having their size as a protection, [321a] this was to be their way of escape. Thus did he compensate them with the view of preventing any race from becoming extinct. And when he had provided against their destruction by one another, he contrived also a means of protecting them against the seasons of heaven. Thus he clothed them with close hair and thick skins sufficient to defend them against the winter cold and able to resist the summer heat, so that they might have a natural bed of their own when they wanted to rest. [321b] He also furnished them with hoofs and hair and hard and callous skins under their feet. Then he gave them varieties of food: plants of the soil to some, to others fruits of trees, and to others roots, and to still others he gave other animals as food. And some he made to have few young ones, while those who were their prey were very prolific. And in this manner the race was preserved.

"Thus did Epimetheus. For he, not being very wise,*

• * The name "Epimetheus" comes from a Greek word meaning "afterthought," the name "Prometheus," from a word meaning "forethought."

[321c] forgot that he had distributed among the brute animals all the qualities which he had to give. And when he came to humans, who were still not provided for, he was terribly perplexed. Now while he was in this perplexity, Prometheus came to inspect the distribution, and he found that the other animals were suitably furnished, but that humans alone were naked and shoeless, and had neither bed nor weapons of defense.*

• * Since Protagoras is talking about humans at a primitive stage of development, he means that humans lack natural defenses like those possessed by the animals - thick hides, teeth, claws, etc.

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The appointed hour was approaching when humans in their turn were to go forth into the light of day. And Prometheus, not knowing how he could devise humanity's salvation, stole the mechanical arts of Hephaistos and Athena [who together had charge of all human crafts and skills], [321d] and fire with them (they could neither have been acquired nor used without fire), and gave them to human beings. Thus humans had the wisdom necessary to the support of life, but political wisdom they had not; for that was in the keeping of Zeus, and the power of Prometheus did not extend to entering into the citadel of heaven, where Zeus dwelt, who moreover had terrible sentinels. But he did enter by stealth into the common workshop of Athena and Hephaistos, [321e] in which they used to practice their favorite arts, and carried off Hephaistos' art of working by fire, and also the art of Athena, and gave them to humankind. And in this way [322a] humankind was supplied with the means of life. But Prometheus is said to have been afterwards prosecuted for theft, owing to the blunder of Epimetheus.

"Now human beings, having a share of the divine attributes, were at first alone among animals in having any gods, because they alone were of their kindred. And they would raise altars and images of the gods. They were not long in inventing articulate speech and names, and they also constructed houses and clothes and shoes and beds, and drew sustenance from the earth. Thus provided, humankind at first lived dispersed, and there were no cities. [322b] But the consequence was that they were destroyed by the wild beasts, for they were utterly weak in comparison of them, and their art was only sufficient to provide them with the means of life, and did not enable them to carry on war against the animals. Food they had, but not as yet the art of government, of which the art of war is a part. After a while, the desire of self-preservation gathered them into cities. But when they were gathered together, having no art of government, they did injustice on one another, [322c] and were again in process of dispersion and destruction. Zeus feared that the entire race would be exterminated, and so he sent Hermes to them, bearing reverence and justice to be the ordering principles of cities and the bonds of friendship and conciliation.

"Asking Zeus how he should impart justice and reverence among human beings, Hermes inquired whether he should distribute these virtues as the arts are distributed - that is to say, to a favored few only, one skilled individual having enough of medicine or of any other art for many unskilled ones: 'Shall this be the manner in which I am to distribute justice and reverence among human beings, or shall I give them to all?' [322d] 'To all,' said Zeus; 'I should like them all to have a share; for cities cannot exist if a few only share in the virtues, as in the arts. And further, make a law by my order: that those who have no part in reverence and justice shall be put to death, for they are a plague to the state.'

"And this is the reason, Socrates, why the Athenians and humankind in general, when the question relates to carpentry or any other mechanical art, allow but a few to share in their deliberations; [322e] and when any one else interferes, then, as you say, they object, if he be not of the favored few; which, as I reply, is very natural. But when they meet to deliberate about political virtue, [323a] which proceeds only by way of justice and wisdom, they are patient enough of any man who speaks of them, as is also natural, because they think that everyone ought to share in this sort of virtue, and that states could not exist if this were otherwise. I have explained to you, Socrates, the reason of this phenomenon."

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Anaximander fragment 112 D-K

Anaximander was a philosopher writing in the early 500s - still long before the emergence of democracy at Athens.

• On universal processes as resulting from conflicts of opposing forces or elementary substances in this world
• Could this metaphor imply a view of society?

[Universal processes occur] according to necessity. For things pay the penalty (dike) and make reparation for the injustice (adikia) that they have committed upon each other, and do so in accordance with the ordinance of time.

Think of the excessive cold of winter as, in a sense, "punishing" the heat of summer. Without this conflict of opposites, there would be no dynamism in the world as we know it.

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Alcmaeon of Croton fragment 4 D-K

Background, Questions

The following is an ancient paraphrase of Alcmaeon's doctrine of health as an internal equilibrium; words he himself used are in boldface.

Assuming that the following employs political metaphor, what political notions seem to underlie it? Can we backwards-engineer the metaphor to see how it may describe a "sick" political society?

Text (paraphrased by Aeetius the Doxographer)

Alcmaeon says that an isonomia ["equality of law," "equality before the law," "equilibrium"??] of the bodily powers - the wet, the dry, the cold, the hot, the bitter, the sweet, and so on - is a necessity for health. What produces disease among these qualities is monarkhia ["the rule of one," "monarchy" - i.e., dictatorship or tyranny]. For (he says) if any of these powers possesses monarkhia, it causes wasting. And sometimes disease comes about through an excess of heat or cold, sometimes because of an abundance or lack of nourishment, and sometimes it is a part that is afflicted - blood or marrow or brain. And these things sometimes come about by external causes, such as waters or places or fatigue or constraint or things like that. But health is an evenly measured mixture of the qualities.

Note that isonomia ("equality before the law") seems to have been a rallying cry of the demos in their zeal for the proto-demcoratic system set up at Athens by Cleisthenes in 508/7 (see below). If here it means something close to "equilibrium," that can still accommodate the sense of "equality before the law": political equality as a check upon the ambitions of would-be tyrants and/or oligarchs (??).

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Heraclitus fragment B 44 D-K

Heraclitus was a philosopher dating from around 500 BCE.

The people (demos) should fight for the law (nomos) as if for the city wall.

Democritus on Politics and Justice

• What underlying political-judicial assumptions or values do you detect in the following?

Democritus, a philosopher writing in the later 400s, is better known for his theory that all things are composed of tiny, invisible bodies he called atoms. But the bulk of the surviving fragments are moral sayings and the like having nothing to do with physics.

Fragment B 75 D-K

It is better that the foolish be ruled than that they rule.

Fragment B 49 D-K

It is hard to be ruled by an inferior.

Fragment B 111 D-K

To be ruled by a woman would be a great humiliation for a man.

Fragment B 267 D-K

It is naturally proper for the superior person to rule.

Fragment B 245 D-K

The laws (nomoi) would not prevent each to live without restraint were it not that each would then harm the other. For envy is the starting point of strife (stasis).

Fragment B 248 D-K

The law (nomos) aims at benefiting the lives of human beings. But it can only do so if human beings will allow themselves to be benefited. For the law makes virtue plain to those who obey.

Fragment B 249 D-K

Internecine strife (stasis) is bad for either side. For it brings harm to victor and vanquished alike.

Fragment B 250 D-K

From consensus (homonoia, "same mind") comes great works. Consensus enables cities to fight wars, which cities cannot do in the absence of concord.

Fragment B 251 D-K

Poverty under democracy is as preferable to so-called prosperity under despotic rulers (para tois dunastēsi, "under dynasts") as freedom is to slavery.

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Fragment B 252 D-K

One must deem good administration of the city's affairs to be the highest priority. And personal ambition should not be allowed to exceed what is proper, nor should strength be concentrated in one person so as no longer to benefit the common good. For the well administered city is the greatest support, and all else depends on this one thing. And so long as good government remains secure, then all things are kept secure. But if it is allowed to deteriorate, then all things deteriorate.

Fragment B 253 D-K

It is not a good idea for the better class of person to take care of other business, but neglect his private affairs, for these last would then fare poorly. But if it be public affairs that one neglects, then one will come into a bad reputation, even if one is innocent of theft and injustice. For whether one is neglectful or actively wrongful, one risks a bad reputation, even harm. But human beings are compelled to go wrong, though it is not easy to pardon them.

Fragment B 254 D-K

When bad men enter into public office, the more unworthy they are, the more heedless they become, and the more they are filled with foolishness and rashness.

Fragment B 255 D-K

Whenever those in power venture to lend to the poor, and to help them and to cheer them, therein lies pity, escape from loneliness, and companionship. Therein too can be found mutual defense and civic concord and countless other blessings.

Fragment B 256 D-K

Justice (dike) is doing what should be done; injustice (adikia) is not doing what should be done, but turning away from it.

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Fragment B 257 D-K

As for the killing or not killing of animals, it is as follows: Those that commit injustice or wish to may be killed with impunity. And to do so is more conducive to well-being than not to do so.

Fragment B 260 D-K

In each and every case, one may kill a highway brigand or pirate with impunity, either by one's own hand, or telling another to do so, or by vote.

"By vote" must mean in response to a sentence of death delivered in a court of law.

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Peitho, bia, and Related

• I have included non-political material here to help bring the political material into sharper focus
  • In what follows, how would you characterize peitho's relationship to bia ("force"), ananke ("necessity"), etc.) . . .
    • antithetical?
    • complementary?
  • What is the value of peitho in what follows?
  • What if any hazards are associated with it?

Pindar Pythian Ode 4 lines 213-219

Jason and the Argonauts have sailed to Colchis (on the far shores of the Black Sea) to retrieve the Golden Fleece. Jason requires the aid of Medea, a sorceress and the daughter of the local king. To induce her to help him he must "bind" her to him emotionally. That is where Aphrodite gets involved . . . .

The passage featuring erotic peithō is reprised from the peithō readings page. It's to illustate the peithō/bia contrast as a cultural item.

And the Lady of the sharpest arrows, the Cyprian-born (i.e., Aphrodite), then for the first time brought the the dappled wryneck, the maddening bird, from Olympus for human beings. [The wryneck was used for love magic.] And she bound it to the unbreakable, four-spoked wheel. And she taught Jason and made him wise in prayers and spells, so that he might make Medea cease to honor her parents, and so that lovely Greece might lash her mind into a burning frenzy with the whip of Persuasion (mastigi Peithous).

I.e., Aphrodite teaches Jason how torments inflicted on the wryneck can be magically transformed into eros felt by Medea for Jason and for his Greek home.

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Aeschylus Agamemnon

lines 385-386 (Lattimore translation)

The chorus sings about Paris' abduction of Helen.

Persuasion (Peitho) the persistent overwhelms ("forces," biasthai) him, | she, strong daughter of designing Ruin (Ate).

Lysias Funeral Oration (speech 2), sections 17-19 (early 300s BCE)

This account of the origins of Athenian democracy is not historically accurate. It is, though, ideologically revealing.

Now in many ways it was natural to our ancestors [those of the Athenians], moved by a single resolve, to fight the battles of justice: for the very beginning of their life was just. They had not been collected, like most nations, from every quarter, and had not settled in a foreign land after driving out its people: they were born of the soil, and possessed in one and the same country their mother and their fatherland. They were the first and the only people in that time to drive out the ruling classes of their state and to establish a democracy (dēmokratia), believing the liberty of all to be the strongest bond of agreement; by sharing with each other the hopes born of their perils they had freedom of soul in their civic life, and used law for honoring the good and punishing the evil. For they deemed that it was the way of wild beasts to be held subject to one another by force (bia), but the duty of men to delimit justice by law (nomos), to convince (peithein) by reason (logos), and to serve these two in act by submitting to the sovereignty of law and the instruction of reason. (Perseus web site, instructor's emphases)

Arguably, the business about "submitting to the sovereignty of law and the instruction of reason" reflects constitutional changes from the post-Peloponnesian-War period (i.e., 403 BCE and onward; see Hansen The Athenian Democracy in the Age of Demosthenes).

Democritus

Fragment B 51 D-K

Often reason (logos) turns out to be persuasion (peitho) more powerful than gold.

Fragment B 181 D-K

By using exhortation and the persuasion (peitho) of reason (logos), one will appear more virtuous than if one uses law (nomos) and compulsion (ananke). For if one is constrained not to do wrong by law, then it is likely that one will do wrong in secret. But if by persuasion one is induced to do what one ought, then it is no longer likely that one will commit a misdeed either in secret or openly. Thus if with understanding and knowledge one conducts oneself rightly, then one shows oneself to be both manly and right-thinking.

Gorgias Palamedes B 11a.14 D-K

We are to imagine that Palamedes, one of the Greek heroes at Troy, stands accused by Odysseus of betraying his fellow Greeks. In this sample defense speech written by Gorgias, we find a number of arguments why someone like Palamedes would not have likely done what he has been accused of.

As for aiming at tyranny over the barbarians (i.e., the Trojans), who among them would be willing to hand over such power? And how would I, a Greek, take control of barbarians - one against many? By persuasion (peithein) or by force (biasthai)? For neither would they be receptive to persuasion, nor would I be able to use force against them.

[Palamedes can't persuade them because he can't speak their language. He can't force them because he's one against many.]

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Herodotus History of the Persian War, Book 8

Translated by G. C. Macaulay, with changes.

The year is 479. With Xerxes, the Great King of the Persians, looking on, the combined forces of the Greek alliance have just defeated the Persian fleet in the narrow straits between the island of Salamis and the shores of Attica. The Athenians, with the politician and general Themistocles at their head, took a leading role in that great victory.

What to do now? Themistocles, rather than pursue the Persian fleet, decides to use his fleet to pursue other "enemies."

111. The Greeks meanwhile, having resolved not to pursue after the Persian fleet further, nor to sail to the Hellespont to break up the passage,* were besieging Andros intending to take it. For the Andrians were the first of the islanders who, being asked by Themistocles for money, refused to give it. Themistocles made proposals to them and said that the Athenians had come having on their side two great deities, Persuasion (Peitho) and Compulsion (Ananke), and therefore they must by all means give them money. To this the islanders replied that, as it then appeared, Athens was great and prosperous not without reason. For the Athenians were well supplied with serviceable deities. But as for the Andrians, they were poor, having in this attained the greatest eminence, and there were two unprofitable deities which never left their island but always remained attached to the place, Poverty, namely, and Helplessness. And the Andrians being possessed of these deities would not give money; for never could the power of the Athenians get the better of their inability.

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112. These islanders, I say, having thus made answer and having refused to give the money, were being besieged. And Themistocles not ceasing in his desire for gain sent threatening messages to the other islands and asked them for money by the same envoys, employing those whom he had before sent to the king. And he said that if they did not give that which was demanded of them, he would bring the fleet of the Greeks against them to besiege and take them. Thus saying he collected great sums of money from the Carystians and the Parians. For these other islanders had been informed how Andros was being besieged, because it had taken the side of the Persians, and how Themistocles was held in more regard than any of the other commanders. Thus they sent money for fear of this. Whether any others of the islanders also gave money I am not able to say, but I think that some others gave and not these alone. Yet to the Carystians at least there was no respite from the evil on this account, but the Parians escaped the attack, because they propitiated Themistocles with money. Thus Themistocles with Andros as his starting-point was acquiring sums of money for himself from the men of the islands without the knowledge of the other commanders.

• * The "passage" referred to by Herodotus is a pontoon bridge used by Xerxes to ferry his land forces across the Dardanelles from what is now Asian Turkey (Asia Minor) into European Turkey (ancient Thrace).

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Eupolis Demes fragment 102 PCG

This is one of several fragments from Eupolis' comedy the Demes, in which great leaders from Athens' past are brought back to life. Here an unknown speaker comments on the oratory of Pericles, leader of the democracy from 461 until his death in 429.

A certain peitho resided on his [Pericles'] lips, he used to put us in such a trance! And he alone of the orators left a sting in his listeners.

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Literary Evidence for Democratic Origins

Harmodius and Aristogeiton: Background

It all started because of a love triangle . . .

After his death in 528/7 BCE, the Athenian tyrant (i.e., dictator) Peisistratus was succeeded by his son Hippias, who may or may not have shared power with his brother, Hipparchus. Hipparchus, at any rate, fell in love with Harmodius, a young man already committed to another male lover: Aristogeiton.

Rejected by the young and handsome Harmodius, the well-connected Hipparchus arranged to humiliate Harmodius via the young man's sister (she was prevented from participating in a special religious parade). That was too much for Harmodius and his lover; they now plotted the death of both Hippias and Hipparchus at the very procession in which the girl who had been slighted was to march. As it turned out, Hipparchus was killed but Hippias lived; both Harmodius and Aristogeiton were killed.

Whether or not the plot was intended simply as revenge, or was part of a revolutionary action we can no longer say. Later tradition, at any rate, hailed Harmodius and Aristogeiton as the tyrannicides ("tyrant slayers"), and as founders of isonomia ("equality before the law") for the Athenians.

But more than that, their supposedly patriotic heroism, motivated, as it was assumed to have been, by eros (sexual love), seems to have enshrined sexual eros as a model for a citizen's emotional bond to his polis (compare Thucydides History 2.43.1 and Aristophanes' Knights).

For background on pederasty, click the following link (from the Ancient Gender and Sexuality page).

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Harmodius and Aristogeiton: Texts

Athenian Drinking Songs (skolia)

The following would have been sung at private drinking parties (sumposia) attended by Athenian men.

• Do you notice disjunctures between these songs and the version of Harmodius and Aristogeiton in Thucydides?
• Note that skolion 884 isn't about the "tyrannicides" (tyrant slayers), while nos. 893-896 are different versions of the same song - or perhaps different stanzas from that song

Skolion 884 PMG (Poetae melici graeci)

(To Athena) Lady Pallas Athena Tritogeneia, make this city (i.e., Athens) upright, and both you and your father (i.e., Zeus) keep it and its citizens from woe and stasis and untimely death. [Does not, obviously, concern Harmodius and Aristogeiton, but does illustrate the patriotic tenor of some of these drinking songs.]

Skolion 893 PMG

I shall carry my sword in a branch of myrtle (i.e., conceal it) just as Harmodius and Aristogeiton did when they slew the tyrant, and made Athens a city of equality before the law (i.e., brought isonomia to it).

Skolion 894 PMG

O dearest Harmodius, doubtless you are not dead. For they say that you dwell on the Islands of the Blest with swift-footed Achilles and Diomedes son of Tydeus. (Achilles and Diomedes are heroes from Homer's Iliad.)

Skolion 895 PMG

I shall carry my sword in a branch of myrtle just as Harmodius and Aristogeiton did when they slew the tyrant (turannos) Hipparchus at the sacrifices to Athena.

Skolion 896 PMG

Your glory shall abide for all time on the earth, O dearest Harmodius and Aristogeiton, for you have slain the tyrant, and have made Athens a city of equality before the law.

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Thucydides on Harmodius and Aristogeiton (Crawley's translation, with some changes)

from bk 1

Having now given the result of my inquiries into early times, I grant that there will be a difficulty in believing every particular detail. The way that most men deal with traditions, even traditions of their own country, is to receive them all alike as they are delivered, without applying any critical test whatever. The general Athenian public fancy that Hipparchus was tyrant when he fell by the hands of Harmodius and Aristogeiton, not knowing that Hippias, the eldest of the sons of Peisistratus, was really supreme, and that Hipparchus and Thessalus were his brothers; and that Harmodius and Aristogeiton suspecting, on the very day, nay at the very moment fixed on for the deed, that information had been conveyed to Hippias by their accomplices, concluded that he had been warned, and did not attack him, yet, not liking to be apprehended and risk their lives for nothing, fell upon Hipparchus near the temple of the daughters of Leos, and slew him as he was arranging the Panathenaic procession. (1.20.1-2)

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from bk 6

[The Athenians, alarmed by reports of sacrilege, and mindful of the tyranny they lived under during Hippias' day (late 500s), fear that a plot is afoot to replace democracy with tyranny, all of which prompts Thucydides to recount events from about a century earlier.]

The commons had heard how oppressive the tyranny of Peisistratus and his sons had become before it ended, and further that that had been put down at last, not by themselves and Harmodius, but by the Spartans, and so were always in fear and took everything suspiciously.

Indeed, the daring action of Aristogeiton and Harmodius was undertaken in consequence of a love affair, which I shall relate at some length, to show that the Athenians are not more accurate than the rest of the world in their accounts of their own tyrants and of the facts of their own history. Peisistratus, dying at an advanced age in possession of the tyranny, was succeeded by his eldest son, Hippias, and not Hipparchus, as is commonly believed. Harmodius was then in the flower of youthful beauty, and Aristogeiton, a citizen in the middle rank of life, was his lover and possessed him. Courted without success by Hipparchus, son of Peisistratus, Harmodius told Aristogeiton, and the enraged lover, afraid that the powerful Hipparchus might take Harmodius by force, immediately formed a design, such as his condition in life permitted, for overthrowing the tyranny. In the meantime Hipparchus, after a second solicitation of Harmodius, attended with no better success, unwilling to use violence, arranged to insult him in some covert way. Indeed, generally their government was not grievous to the multitude, or in any way odious in practice; and these tyrants cultivated wisdom and virtue as much as any, and without exacting from the Athenians more than a twentieth of their income, splendidly adorned their city, and carried on their wars, and provided sacrifices for the temples. For the rest, the city was left in full enjoyment of its existing laws, except that care was always taken to have the offices in the hands of some one of the family. Among those of them that held the yearly archonship at Athens was Peisistratus, son of the tyrant Hippias, and named after his grandfather, who dedicated during his term of office the altar to the twelve gods in the market-place, and that of Apollo in the Pythian precinct. The Athenian people afterwards built on to and lengthened the altar in the market-place, and obliterated the inscription; but that in the Pythian precinct can still be seen, though in faded letters, and is to the following effect:

Peisistratus, the son of Hippias, set up this record of his archonship in the precinct of Apollo Pythias.

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That Hippias was the eldest son and succeeded to the government is what I positively assert as a fact upon which I have had more exact accounts than others, and may be also ascertained by the following circumstance. He is the only one of the legitimate brothers that appears to have had children; as the altar shows, and the pillar placed in the Athenian Acropolis, commemorating the crime of the tyrants, which mentions no child of Thessalus or of Hipparchus, but five of Hippias, which he had by Myrrhine, daughter of Callias, son of Hyperechides; and naturally the eldest would have married first. Again, his name comes first on the pillar after that of his father; and this too is quite natural, as he was the eldest after him, and the reigning tyrant. Nor can I ever believe that Hippias would have obtained the tyranny so easily, if Hipparchus had been in power when he was killed, and he, Hippias, had had to establish himself upon the same day; but he had no doubt been long accustomed to overawe the citizens, and to be obeyed by his mercenaries, and thus not only conquered, but conquered with ease, without experiencing any of the embarrassment of a younger brother unused to the exercise of authority. It was the sad fate which made Hipparchus famous that got him also the credit with posterity of having been tyrant.

To return to Harmodius, Hipparchus having been repulsed in his solicitations insulted him as he had resolved, by first inviting a sister of his, a young girl, to come and bear a basket in a certain procession, and then rejecting her, on the plea that she had never been invited at all owing to her unworthiness. If Harmodius was indignant at this, Aristogeiton for his sake now became more exasperated than ever; and having arranged everything with those who were to join them in the enterprise, they only waited for the great feast of the Panathenaea, the sole day upon which the citizens forming part of the procession could meet together in arms without suspicion. Aristogeiton and Harmodius were to begin, but were to be supported immediately by their accomplices against the bodyguard. The conspirators were not many, for better security, besides which they hoped that those not in the plot would be carried away by the example of a few daring spirits, and use the arms in their hands to recover their liberty.

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At last the festival arrived, and Hippias with his bodyguard was outside the city in the Ceramicus, arranging how the different parts of the procession were to proceed. Harmodius and Aristogeiton had already their daggers and were getting ready to act, when seeing one of their accomplices talking familiarly with Hippias, who was easy of access to every one, they took fright, and concluded that they were discovered and on the point of being taken. And eager if possible to be revenged first upon the man who had wronged them and for whom they had undertaken all this risk, they rushed, as they were, within the gates, and meeting with Hipparchus by the Leocorium recklessly fell upon him at once, infuriated, Aristogeiton, by love, and Harmodius by insult, and they smote Hipparchus and slew him. Aristogeiton escaped the guards at the moment, through the crowd running up, but was afterwards taken and dispatched in no merciful way: Harmodius was killed on the spot.

When the news was brought to Hippias in the Ceramicus, he at once proceeded not to the scene of action, but to the armed men in the procession, before they, being some distance away, knew anything of the matter, and composing his features for the occasion, so as not to betray himself, pointed to a certain spot, and bade them repair thither without their arms. They withdrew accordingly, fancying he had something to say; upon which he told the mercenaries to remove the arms, and there and then picked out the men he thought guilty and all found with daggers, the shield and spear being the usual weapons for a procession.

In this way offended love first led Harmodius and Aristogeiton to conspire, and the alarm of the moment to commit the rash action recounted. After this the tyranny pressed harder on the Athenians, and Hippias, now grown more fearful, put to death many of the citizens, and at the same time began to turn his eyes abroad for a refuge in case of revolution. (6.53.3-6.59.2)

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Herodotus on Cleisthenes and His Reforms

Cleisthenes was an Athenian aristocrat who, in around 508, was involved in a power struggle with another aristocrat, Isagoras — that just a few years after the expulsion of the Peisistratid tyrants.

In order to gain ascendancy over his rival, Cleisthenes enlisted the Athenian people (the demos) to his side, his hetairia or political faction. Herodotus represents this as a period of stasis, from which Cleisthenes emerged triumphant. Athenians tended to view Cleisthenes as one of the founders of their democracy.

From book 5 of Herodotus' History of the Persian Wars (trans. G. C. Macaulay, with changes):

Book 5 section 66. Athens, which even before that time was great, then, after having been freed from tyrants, became gradually yet greater. And in it two men exercised power, namely Cleisthenes a descendant of Alcmaeon, the same who is reported to have bribed the Pythian prophetess, and Isagoras, the son of Tisander, of a family which was highly reputed, but of his original descent I am not able to declare. His kinsmen however offer sacrifices to the Carian Zeus. These men came to party strife (stasis) for power (dunamis), and when Cleisthenes was being worsted in the struggle, he made common cause with the people. [I.e., he attached the demos to his hetairia, his "faction."] After this he caused the Athenians to be in ten tribes, who were formerly in four. And he changed the names by which they were called after the sons of Ion, namely Geleon, Aigicoreus, Argades, and Hoples, and invented for them names taken from other heroes, all native Athenians except Ajax, whom he added as a neighbour and ally, although he was no Athenian. [This was a completely artificial reorganization of the basic administrative units of Attica, with the effect of diminishing the power of aristocratic clans.]

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69. [Thus did Cleisthenes add] to his own party the whole body of the common people of the Athenians, which in former time he had despised. He changed the names of the tribes and made them more in number than they had been; he made in fact ten rulers of tribes instead of four, and by tens also he distributed the demes in the tribes. And having added the common people to his party he was much superior to his opponents.

70. Then Isagoras, as he was being worsted in his turn, contrived a plan in opposition to him, that is to say, he called in Cleomenes the Spartan to help him, who had been a guest-friend to himself since the siege of the sons of Peisistratus [Cleomenes was one of the kings of Sparta]. Moreover Cleomenes was accused of being intimate with the wife of Isagoras. First then Cleomenes sent a herald to Athens demanding the expulsion of Cleisthenes and with him many others of the Athenians, calling them the men who were under the curse. . . . [The "curse of the sons of Alcmaeon" is too complicated to describe in detail. Suffice it to say that politically ambitious members of Cleisthenes' family (the Alcmaeonids) were open to the charge that they were unlucky because under this "curse."]

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72. Now when Cleomenes sent demanding the expulsion of Cleisthenes and of those under the curse, Cleisthenes himself withdrew secretly. But after that nevertheless, Cleomenes appeared in Athens with no very large force, and having arrived he proceeded to expel as accursed seven hundred Athenian families, of which Isagoras had suggested to him the names. Having done this he next endeavoured to dissolve the Council [i.e., the democratic Council of 500, as reorganized by Cleisthenes], and he put the offices of the state into the hands of three hundred, who were the partisans of Isagoras. [I.e., he set up an oligarchy under Isagoras' leadership.] The Council, however, making opposition, and not being willing to submit, Cleomenes with Isagoras and his partisans seized the Acropolis. Then the rest of the Athenians joined together by common consent and besieged them for two days. And on the third day so many of them as were Spartans departed out of the country under a truce.

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Aeschylus Suppliant Women (excerpts)

Background

• Genre: tragedy
• Setting: Argos
• Dramatic date: the remote mythical past
• Production date: perhaps 463 BCE (about five years prior to Aeschylus' Oresteia) - certainly the 460s
• Place first performed: Athens, Theater of Dionysus

The "suppliant women" of the title are Danaus' fifty daughters who, together with their father, have come from Egypt, and seek refugee status in Argos. They are fleeing Aegyptus' fifty sons, who would use force to make the women marry them.

What is in suspense here is whether the city of Argos will provide asylum to Danaus and his daughters.

Questions

• We should remember that Argos was a democracy in the 460s
  • What constitutional forms seem to obtain in mythical Argos, at least in this play
  • Does this particular king rule by . . .
    • force (bia)?
    • persuasion (peitho)?
    • other?
  • What possibly limits his power? What does he have to do to get what he wants done?

Text

The King of Argos addresses the daughters of Danaus. The King has called a meeting of the people of Argos, but wishes first to confer with Danaus before putting the matter at hand before the local citizenry.

(lines 516-523) KING: Your father will not be leaving you alone here for long. But I must hurry to call together the people of the land, so as to render the assembly well disposed to your case, and to instruct your father in what he needs to say to them. Stay here and beseech the local gods with prayers for the things that you so desire to attain. Meanwhile, I shall go to advance your cause. May Persuasion (Peitho) and Fortune Who Brings Success (Tukhe prakterios) attend me. (The King exits.)

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Danaus has just come back from meeting with the people of Argos. He reports to his daughters the "minutes" of that meeting. Note the taste we get of the King's rhetoric.

(600-601) DANAUS: Take heart, my children! The people (demos) of this place have resolved upon enactments (psephismata) altogether to the good!

(602-604) DAUGHTERS OF DANAUS: Greetings old man! The tidings you bring are most dear to my heart. Tell us what future has been duly enacted for us, and how the sovereign votes of the people (demos) have turned out.

(605-624) DANAUS: The resolution passed by the Argives was in no way ambiguous, but such as would restore my aged brain to its youthful prime! For the air bristled with right hands voting unanimously to carry the following resolution, namely, that we be allowed to live free in this land, subject to no seizure or capture by mortals. And that no one dwelling here or coming from abroad be allowed to carry us off. But if overbearing force be applied, any landowner of these parts who fails to help us shall be stripped of rights and driven into exile from his homeland.

Such was the persuasive speech which the King of Argos spoke concerning us, and he declared that never in the future would the city feed the the mighty wrath of Zeus, Protector of Suppliants. And his speech made plain that if citizen and foreigner alike were to disobey and thus incur defilement, it would prove a never-ending source of woe for the city.

The people of Argos heard, and without waiting for the herald's signal, with their hands they carried the resolution: that so it should be. Thus did the people (demos) of Argos, responsive to persuasion, listen to the King's clever turns of thought as he harangued the populace. And Zeus brought it to pass.

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Herodotus History of the Persian Wars: The "Persian Constitutional Debate" (book 3 sections 80-82)

Translated by G. C. Macaulay, with changes.

Background

Herodotus claims that after the death of the Persian king Cambyses (reigned 525-522 BCE) and the ensuing strife, the dead king's generals got together to decide what sort of government - monarchy, oligarchy (rule by a few), democracy - the Persian state should have thereafter.

Whether or not such a conversation actually ever happened, we can treat the reported conversation as an essay by an astute political observer on the relative merits of the three, principal forms of government in use in Greece at that time, though monarchy was easily the rarest of the three in Greece.

As it turned out, Darius became the next king of Persia.

Questions

• What sets each of the following three forms of government apart from the other? What are claimed to be their respective merits/drawbacks?
  • isonomie, i.e., democracy (Otanes' speech)
  • oligarchy (Megabyzus' speech)
  • monarchy (Darius' speech)
• What are the operative concepts here - what "buzz words" should we focus on?
• How does persuasion fit into any of this?
• What is all this talk of hubris?

Text

(Book 3 section 80.1) When the tumult had subsided and more than five days had elapsed, those who had risen against the priests began to take counsel about the general state, and there were spoken speeches which some of the Greeks do not believe were really uttered, but spoken they were nevertheless. (2) On the one hand, Otanes urged that they should place the government in the hands of the whole body of the Persians, and his words were as follows:

"To me it seems best that no one of us should henceforth be sole ruler (mounarkhos, "monarch"), for that is neither pleasant nor profitable. You saw the insolent temper (hubris) of Cambyses, to what lengths it went, and you have had experience also of the insolence (hubris) of the priest. (3) And how should the rule of one alone (mounarkhia, "monarchy") be a well-ordered thing, seeing that the monarch may do what he desires without rendering any account of his acts? Even the best of all men, if he were placed in this office, would be caused by it to change from his usual disposition. For insolence (hubris) is engendered in him by the good things which he possesses, and envy is implanted in man from the beginning. (4) And having these two things, he has all vice. For he does many deeds of reckless wrong, partly moved by arrogance (hubris), and partly by envy. And yet a despot (turannos, "tyrant") at least ought to have been free from envy, seeing that he has all manner of good things. He is, however, naturally in just the opposite temper towards his subjects. For he grudges to the nobles that they should survive and live, but delights in the basest of citizens, and he is more ready than any other man to listen to slanderous accusations. (5) Then of all things he is the most inconsistent. For if you express admiration of him moderately, he is offended that he is the object of no great flattery (thopeia). Whereas if you pay court to him extravagantly, he is offended with you for being a flatterer. And the most important matter of all is that which I am about to say: he disturbs the customs handed down from our fathers; he rapes the women; and he puts men to death without trial. (6) On the other hand, the rule of many has first a name attaching to it which is the fairest of all names, that is to say "equality before the law" (isonomia). Next, the multitude does none of those things which the monarch (mounarkhos) does. Offices of state are exercised by lottery, and the magistrates are compelled to render account of their action. And finally, all matters of deliberation are referred to the public assembly. I therefore give as my opinion that we let monarchy (mounarkhia) go and increase the power of the multitude. For in the many is contained everything."

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81. This was the opinion expressed by Otanes; but Megabyzus urged that they should entrust matters to the rule of a few (oligarkhie), saying these words:

"That which Otanes said in opposition to a tyranny (turannis), let it be counted as said for me also, but in that which he said urging that we should make over the power to the multitude, he has missed the best counsel. For nothing is more senseless or insolent than a worthless crowd. (2) And for men flying from the insolence (hubris) of a despot (turannos) to fall into that of unrestrained insolence (hubris) of the people (demos) is by no means to be endured. For he, if he does anything, does it knowing what he does, but the people cannot even know. For how can that know which has neither been taught anything noble by others nor perceived anything of itself, but pushes on matters with violent impulse and without understanding, like a torrential stream? (3) Rule of the people (demos) then let them adopt who are foes to the Persians. But let us choose a company of the best men, and to them attach the chief power; for in the number of these we shall ourselves also be, and it is likely that the resolutions taken by the best men will be the best."

82. This was the opinion expressed by Megabyzus; and thirdly Darius proceeded to declare his opinion, saying:

"To me it seems that in those things which Megabyzus said with regard to the multitude he spoke rightly, but in those which he said with regard to the rule of a few (oligarkhie, "oligarchy"), not rightly. For whereas there are three things set before us, and each is supposed to be the best in its own kind, that is to say a good popular government, and the rule of a few, and thirdly the rule of one. But I say that this last is by far superior to the others. (2) For nothing better can be found than the rule of an individual man of the best kind, seeing that using the best judgment he would be guardian of the multitude without reproach; and resolutions directed against enemies would so best be kept secret. (3) In an oligarchy (oligarkhie), however, it happens often that many, while practicing virtue with regard to the commonwealth, have strong private enmities arising among themselves. For as each man desires to be himself the leader and to prevail in counsels, they come to great enmities with one another, whence arise factions (stasies, "strifes") among them, and out of the factions comes murder, and from murder results the rule of one man. And thus it is shown in this instance by how much that is the best. (4) Again, when the people (demos) rules, it is impossible that corruption should not arise, and when corruption arises in the commonwealth, there arises among the corrupt men not enmity but strong ties of friendship. For they who are acting corruptly to the injury of the commonwealth put their heads together secretly to do so. And this continues so until at last some one takes the leadership of the people (demos) and stops the course of such men. By reason of this the man of whom I speak is admired by the people (demos), and being so admired he suddenly appears as monarch (mounarkhos). Thus he too furnishes herein an example to prove that the rule of one is the best thing. (6) Finally, to sum up all in a single word, whence arose the liberty which we possess, and who gave it to us? Was it a gift of the people or of an oligarchy or of a monarch? I therefore am of opinion that we, having been set free by one man, should preserve that form of rule, and in other respects also that we should not annul the customs of our fathers which are ordered well. For that is not the better way."

83. These three opinions then had been proposed, and the other four men of the seven gave their assent to the last.

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